{Print edition page number: 154}

Rivall Friendship


The Fourth Fifth Book

The History of Arthenia

My name Madam is Arthenia, (said she) addressing her speech to the Queen, my Country Sicilia (as you have already heard) there drew I my first breath. An Island it is, famous in former Ages for severall remarkable things; as the punishment of the Giant Enceladus for his attempt against the Gods:[1] the frequent eruptions of Fire from Mount Etna under which he was suppos’d to be shut up. The rape of Proserpine, and the birth of Ceres to whom the Isle is dedicated,[2] Neer to the Citie Agrigentum (memorable for Phalaris his torturing Perrillus in a Brazen Bull which he had invented for the torture of others)[3] was I born, of a Family noble enough; but as I have ever esteem’d it the greatest of vanities to rifle the Monuments of the Dead, or sift their Ashes for honour if we cannot by our owne proper vertue make good our title to it; So will I not boast the Nobility of my Ancestours, Since I have no further a right unto it then what my vertue gives me, lest by a deficiency of those qualities which enobled them, I leave a blemish on their memories.

I was yet but an infant, when I beheld my Country cruelly embroil’d in a Civill, and most unnaturall War; and terribly wasted, and destroy’d with Fire and sword, not of strangers, but even of those very People she had bred. I was then too young to enquire the occation of this War; but have since fully enform’d my selfe concerning it: and so much dependance has my owne perticuler story on this Warre, that I cannot give a perfect account of my misfortunes without relating it; since my unhappiness derives its originall from that of my country. Corsica, another Island not far distant from Sicilie was some years since govern’d as a distinct Kingdome of it selfe: but upon the death of Queen Ericina[4] [fol. 62 r ] (who reign’d in Sicilie, and extended her Dominion likewise over Sardinia) the King of Corsica took possession of her kingdome, She dying a virgin, and he being the neerest alli’d to her, by that meanes united those two Kingdomes into one, but Sicilie being much the greater, and more potent, King Ismenas soon left Corsica (establishing a Councell there for the managment of affaires) and came into Sicilia to take possession of his new Dominions, where he reign’d many a yeare in peace and great tranquility, both belov’d by his subjects, and fear’d by his neighbour Princes.[5]

After him his son Clearchus succeeded (in whose reign I was born).[6] This Illustrious Prince was for Wisdome, Piety and all the vertues that ere concenter’d in any Mortall no less to be admir’d, then lamented for those misfortunes which he underwent. No sooner was he seated on his Fathers Throne but he perceiv’d Sicilie had many foreign enemies that look’d with envious eyes on the tranquill prosperity it enjoy’d, who onely waited for an opportunity to work its ruine; by raising seditions within its owne Bowells. This Clearchus prudently forseeing, no less prudently endeavour’d to prevent; seting out his Manifests for the calling of a Senat, by whose advice and councell he might preserve his People in that happie, and serene state wherein he found them at his coming to the Crowne.[7] But as a City without Walls how strong soever the Inhabitants of it are, can make but little resistance if once besieg’d; so likewise if an Iland be not well stor’d with ships, all the opposition it can make against foreign Invaders will be to small purpose, but it lies open on all sides to any that desire to make a conquest of it. This the{156} King considering; and knowing the saftie of his People (no less then his owne) depended on his being potent on the seas, which might render him formidable to his enemies: not that he design’d to molest others, but onely to defend himself. But finding it would too much exhaust his revenue to be at so vast an expence himself alone, as it must of necessity be, first to build, and then to maintaine such a Fleet as might be sufficent to protect his kingdome; he thought it no way unreasonable to require from his subjects some assistance towards it, since they, as well as he would reape the benefit of it.

But having no power without the consent of the Senat to levie Taxes, like a good, and a just Prince he addrest himselfe to them who represented the whole Body of the Nation; declaring to them the necessity of what he demanded, and what a perticuler interest each man had in it:[8] but some amongst them who sought for nothing more then to intraduce innovations both in Religion, and State affaires took this for their rise, strongly opposing him in what he required, with so much insolent impudency as never yet was heard from subjects to their Soveraign; secretly stiring up the People against him (especially the inhabitants of Palermo His Royall City where [fol. 62 v ] he resided) telling them he was a Tyrant, and intended to rule by tyranie, and to impose on his subjects such heavie burdens as they would ne’re be able to sustaine: but lest their design should be discover’d by that apparant Callumny wherewith they vildly slaunder’d the justest, and the best of Kings that ever Sicilie was blest with, they added he was not of himself so bad, but that he was too much carried away by the ill advice of some about him, whose Councells he adhear’d too the prejudice of his People.

In fine so did they behave themselves by moveing sedition, not onely in Sicilia, but Corsica too as the ill effects thereof soon after appear’d: for the Corsicans were a People of themselves but too prone to rebellion, and had of a long time been displeas’d with that Government which had been by Ismenas establish’d amongst them at his coming to the Sicilian Crowne, insomuch as little incitements were sufficent to induce them to rebell against their King: to which end they first ceaz’d on his revenues, together with all his Castles, and places of defence, and then enter’d Sicilie in a hostile manner; which having intelligence of he set forth to meet them, waited on by an Armie so considerable to oppose their progress, as he had no cause to doubt their success. But being unwilling (not withstanding so high a provacation) to shed the blood of his subjects unless necessity constrain’d him to it: he first determin’d to treat with them, by some whom he deputed; to the intent he might understand their grievances; which when he knew, he graciously condescended to their demands,{157} though to his prejudice in many things, rather then he would not make up that breach, thorough which he foresaw many ill accidents might happen to disturbe the peace, and tranquility of his other Kingdomes; for so desirous was the good Clearchus of his peoples wellfaire that he still prefer’d the publick before his owne perticuler good.[9]

By the mediation of these Deputies, and the Kings consession an agreement was concluded; upon which he disperced his Forces, and return’d to Palermo: but having been assur’d by some of the most considerable in the Corsican Armie that they had been provok’d to this invasion by some of the Sicilian Sennators whose names they perticulerly gave him, and so great proofes of their disloyalty, and disaffection to him as he had not the least reason to doubt the truth of what had been discover’d to him; whereupon at his returne he demands them of the other Senators, to the end they might be punish’d if found guilty after a Legall Tryall, or acquited if found innocent.[10] But instead of being deliver’d, they were by them protected; wherupon Clearchus commanded they should no more presume to appeare in Senat, but was in that also disobey’d: for notwithstanding his Command to the contrary they came as before, being for their security guarded by multitudes of the vulgar sort, who knew not the just ground the King had to be incens’d against them; though he protested he had no prejudice to them further then he had discover’d those unlawfull correspondencies they had held, and engagements they had made to embroile his Kingdoms in a civill war.

But this his proceeding (notwithstanding [fol. 63 r ] the justice, and reasonableness of it) was so ill resented, that his Palace was presently after throng’d with people who came thither in a tumultuous manner, some crying out for Justice ere they had any wrong design’d them; others crying the Senators priviledges were infring’d, others, that they were violated, and that they would maintain them: some exclaming against the King, others against his Councell, insomuch as the whole Cytie was in a confus’d uprore; so that finding the Senat too powerfull, and Palermo by reason of the Tumults unsafe for him to reside in, he abandon’d it; not knowing whether their discontent, and fury might not fly so high as to come to the extreamity of violence against him; especially having no Guards for his defence (as many other Monarchs have) so much did both his royall Father and himselfe relye on the love and fidelity of their subjects; but finding how much he had been deceiv’d by them in whom he had repos’d the greatest trust, he thought it unfit to expose the majesty of his person and Dignity, the safty of{158} his Queen (whom he most passionatly lov’d) and of Prince Claromenes[11] his son who was likewise infinitely deare to him; to the insolence of such who are aptest to insult most when they find objects, and opportunities capable of their rudeness. These thoughts made him retire to Messina (a Cytie of great strength in the Province of Mona) where he might (together with those persons who were so deservedly dear to him) be in security till such time as he might make it appeare to his subjects how they had been cheated into rebellion, and that being in a place of safty he might the better find out a way to rectify these disorders.[12]

But it sufficed them not to have drove away their King from them in this manner by their treasonous practices, but they still persisted in them; filling the Peoples eares with stories (especially those of Palermo) which had no other originall then their inventions, and their hearts with suspitions that Clearchus intended to rule by the sword, which they adviz’d them to prevent; by affording them their assistance whereby they might be able to raise an Armie, that so they might be in a capacity to defend their liberties, and preserve themselves from being slaves to the will of a Tyrant (as they most ignominiously stil’d their King) this Councell was but too readily embraced; for before such time as Clearchus could suspect any such thing, there were severall Forces listed and on foot in divers places in the Kingdome; which having certaine Intelligence of, he went to Milase (another Citie in the same province) where he had a storehouse of Armes, and War Artillery which he had prepar’d for the Warre against the Corsicans: but having as then no occation to use them, he had caus’d them to be laid up there. Of this citty he determin’d to possess himselfe, that he might be in the better condition speedily to suppress this rebellion: but when he came thither, he found the Gates shut, and enterance deni’d him by Ithagenes the Governour thereof, who declar’d he would keep it for the Senats service.[13]

From thence he repar’d to another Citty (not far distant) call’d Nicosia, where he found a much civiller reception; and there it was that he first displai’d his Royall Banner, sommoning all [fol. 63 v ] his loyall subjects to repaire to it; this sommons was readily obey’d by the greatest part of the Nobility, and many of the vulgar sort: and no sooner was it known where he was, but all those Senatours who had formerly adhear’d to him (in whose generous soules was fix’d a deep sense of their allegiance to their soveraign) when they saw the differences in the Kingdome too great for them to reconcile left their fellowes and hasted to their Kings assistance.[14] For no sooner had he left Palermo, but he found all things were carried on to that height against him, that he had small hopes of{159} restoring Peace to his Dominions but through the Gates of Warre; which he was most unwilling to have recourse too (notwithstanding those high provocations he had receiv’d ) till he had made tryall of all other expedients; which prov’d all invallid and to no purpose. For so eagerly were the opposing Party bent to the carrying on their wicked designes, that they would never suffer any Proposition touching Peace (though never so reasonable) to be hearkened too; but still return’d him answere, that they were resolv’d to defend the liberty of the People against such as adviz’d him to enslave them: but if he would be pleas’d to returne to his Senat, and abandon those ill Ministers of State, by whose pernicious Councells he had suffer’d himselfe hitherto to be misguided, and for the security of the Kingdomes wellfare put into their hands the Cittadell of Palermo, with all the others Forts, and Castles in the Land together with the command of all the ships in any of the Ports, they would most readily lay downe those Armes they had taken up for their owne defence, and the Peoples good, and returne to their former obedience.[15]

A demande so full of arrogant impudence was never heard from subjects to their Prince (said the Queen) [Ermilia] and sure, if with their duty, and allegiance they had not laid aside their reason they would have blush’d to have made it. Questionless (continu`d she speaking to Arthenia) your King could not but be strangly amazed, and incenst in the highest degree against those that durst presume to propound such things to him.

Tis very certaine Madam, (she repli’d), he was so much displeas’d, that he resolv’d without delay to march directly to Palermo to reduce those to their duty by force, whom a milder course had but rendred more insolent. But in his way thither he was encountred by an Armie more potent then his owne, commanded by Diocles who was by the Senat made Generall of it:[16] but although the Rebells were far more numerous then the Royall Party, yet trusting on Heavens assistance and the Justice of his cause, the King gave battell to his Foes with all the courage, and conduct that was requisit in a valiant and prudent Prince: it was thought by severall who were Actors in it, that this Fight, for the time it continu’d was the most terrible that ever was beheld; for certain it is, none fight with greater animosity then those ^in^ whom blood and nature had made the neerest union before such distractions excited divisions in their minds; which renders a civill war of all others most horrible, and destructive to a Kingdome: For here might have have been beheld Fathers tearing out the Bowells of their{160} Children, and the swords of sons crimson’d with the blood of those from whom they deriv’d their beings. Brothers sanguin’d with each others blood, and sundry other most dismal [fol. 64 r ] objects. But bloody as this battell was it had been much more so if the nights approach had not put an end to it, with the loss of nigh 50000 lives.[17]

Both Parties pretended to the Victory, though Clearchus alone had right of it; for though he lost that day the brave Lysander, the Generall of his Armie, yet he kept the Field, and clear’d himself a passage to Mazara, into which he tryumphantly enter’d, bearing with him (as the Trophies of his Victory) all those Ensignes he had taken from the Rebells:[18] he having possess’d himselfe of this place, resolv’d to march on to Palermo, but as the Fates would have it, Diocles with the Remains of his shatter’d Armie had made such speed, as he got thither ere the King could well determine what course was most expedient for him to take: but notwithstanding, he pursues his first resolves, and advances towards Palermo; and in his way thither forces a little Towne that the Enemy had fortifi’d to obstruct his passage, takeing 500 Prisoners there; which having done, he continues his march: but having intelligence that Diocles had drawn together a more considerable Force then that he had defeated; to which were joyn’d many thousands of the Inhabitants of Palermo (who are most of them expert souldiers, being train’d up in a Military Disipline from their youth) he thought it better to return to Mazara whilst he might safely do so, (there to wait the coming of some new supplies which he daily expected) then hazard a second battell, which if lost, he knew too well, it would be impossible for him to raise another. But t’was not long ere those recrutes arriv’d, with which he again leaves Mazara, after he had made Rizander (a Prince neer alli’d to him) Generall of all his Forces.[19] And now it was that Fortune seem’d to smile on his affaires; for so prosperously went they on as in a short space he reduced both the Provinces of Mazara (from whence the chiefe Citty in it took its name) and that of Mona to their former obedience, some few inconsiderable Places excepted.

But before I proceed, (pursu’d Arthenia), I cannot pass by one effect of Heavens vengeance which discharg’d itselfe on the guilty head of the disloyall Ithagenes without acquainting your Majesty with it. If you remember Madam I told you, this man was the first that oppos’d his Soveraign with a sword in his hand,{161} declaring himself for the Senat; and well they rewarded that service he did them: for whether it were that they onely suspected his fidelity to them (as with reason they might, since he had been perfideous to his Prince), or that he was really touch’d with remorse for his Crime (which it was reported he endeavour’d to expiate by resuming his abandoned loyalty) I know not, but so it was, that both himself and son were ceaz’d on by the command of those very Senatours he had but a little before declar’d for; and in a short space paid the forfeiture of both their lives; for so had Heaven decreed it, that as he had been an accomplice in his Crime, he should be likewise a sharer [fol. 64 v ] in his punishment.[20] But so far was this gracious Prince from rejoyceing at the Destiny of this man, that he was heard to say (when newes was brought him of it) he had more compassion for his death, then satisfaction by it; adding, he was sorry Ithagenes was so unfortunate to fall into the hands of their Justice, rather than into those of his Clemency, since he could as willingly have forgiven him, as he could have ask’d pardon of him.

But Arthenia having beg’d pardon for this digression proceeded, after the Queen had let her know, she would have needed it much more had she omitted so remarkable a passage. The Kings affaires went on, continued she, so happily, that all those of greatest eminence, and that had been the most violent against him in the Senat, prepar’d to quit Sicilie; and had certainly done so, had he but pursu’d his first design, in marching directly to Palermo: for then he had not allow’d them time to fortifie that Citty against him, as they soon after did: for so terrifi’d were they with the newes of his approach, that they instantly fell to erecting Fortresses, and raising Bullwarks on all sides for the defence of the Citie, in such a manner as rendred it almost impossible to be taken though never so strongly besieg’d. To which good work (as they erroniously stil’d it) divers of their Woemen were so zealously devoted, as they themselves wrought in casting up the Trenches with an incredible diligence;[21] therein imitateing those Spartan Wemen who assisted their Husbands in fortifying their Citty against the common Enemy: in which, if they had likewise follow’d their example, they might have been as justly famous, as they rendred themselves the contrary, by employing their care and industry against their King: but he unhappily declined his first intentions thorough a desire he had to take Drepanum a Citty of great importance, having the command of a very fair Port, but he so long laid siege to it without effecting any thing, that Diocles rais’d the siege, bringing them so powerfull a reliefe as put them into a capacity of standing out a long time.[22] But yet the Rebells had not much cause to glory in the advantage they thereby{162} gain’d; for Diocles was constrain’d ere he could returne to Palermo to encounter the royall Armie, which fell out much to his loss; for after a sharp dispute he was forced to march off in great disorder, being so hotly pursu’d, that his Cavallree were necessitated to make they [their] way over a great part of their Infantry to save their lives.[23] The King being now return’d to Mazara with such success, and the season of the year being unfit for action, he resolves there to repose himself till the spring should sommon him abroad again to pursue the conquest of his rebellious subjects.

In the mean time, the Senat perceiving their affaires to grow very ill, and much to their disadvantage, they thought it requisit to sue to the Corsicans for assistance, which at length they obtain’d, and through much importunity, and larg promises enduced them once more to enter Sicilia, which they accordingly soon after did, with an Armie of no less then 20000 [fol. 65 r ] men; and having gain’d divers places of importance in their march, they besieg’d Messina, being aided by a considerable part of the Rebells Armie under the command of Faragenes.[24] Tydings being brought of this to Mazara, Prince Rizander was sent away with as many of Clearchus’s forces as could conveniently be spar’d, and power given him to raise more in all places as he pass’d along; so that, by that time he arriv’d at Messina he had increas’d his Troopes to the number of 12000, ^with^ which he rais’d the siege, beat the enemy from their walls, and so well suppli’d all their necessities, as he left them in so good a condition as to be able to hold out the siege a long time in case the enemy should again renew it: having done this, t’was thought expedient by some of his Officers who much better understood the carrying on of a War then himself (being as he was then but very young) that it would be far better to keep marching a while, whereby he might increase his strength, then to go instantly to encounter the enemy who were far the stronger.

But this Fiery young Prince (whose excess of courage was his greatest fault) chose rather to follow the dictates of his owne inclination then their both sage, and safe advice. Resolving for the encounter, he drew out his men into Battailia; and having perform’d all the duties of a Generall, he gave the onset, charging so fiercely on the right wing of the enemy, consisting of Faragenes’s Cavalrie in the van, and the Corsicans in the Reere, that they fell back in such disorder on their owne Infantry that they broke their ranks, treading many of them under their horses Feet: but Rizanders Cavalrie pursuing the execution too farre, and none advanceing to make good their place, Faragenes taking hold of that opportunity, once more turn’d back upon them so vigorously, and with such success, as notwithstanding{163} the Prince perform’d so many gallant actions in his owne person as will hardly gain beliefe with any, but those who were spectators of, or felt the effects of them, yet he lost the Victory, with most of his chiefe Commanders, who were either kill’d or taken Prisoners: so that being utterly unable to repare his loss, he was constrain’d to march off with much dishonour, and retire to Milase till such time as he receiv’d new orders from the King.

Where I will leave him a while, (continu’d Arthenia), to repent that fault his too rash and precipitate humour had made him indiscreetly runne into; and whereby he contracted such a blot on his Fame, as the lustre of those heroick deeds he afterwards perform’d could hardly efface) and return to the King; who never ceasing to consider the sad condition of his Kingdome even destroyed by those miseries that attend on Warre, and desiring nothing more then a happy composing of those divisions which had already prov’d so fatall, and if not prevented must inevitably be more so, most graciously condescended to sue too, and court those to peace who had been the onely fomentors of those unhappy differences, and still were the maintainers of them; conjuring them by that Duty and allegiance they ought [owed] him as their [fol.65 v ] King, to have compassion on the deplorable estate of their unhappie Country; and that they would joyne their sincere endeavours with his to put a speedy period to those miseries Sicilie groan’d under the pressures of: promising, conditionally they laid downe Armes, immediatly to disband his owne Forces, and freely to pardon all past offences, of what nature, or quality soever they had been. It was not onely one, or two of these gracious Messages that these ungratfull and disobedient Senators receiv’d from him, but many; to which, sometimes they would vouchsafe no answere, or else such as serv’d rather to enlarg, then close the breach; falsly imagining all these tenders of grace and favour proceeded rather from Clearchus’s incapacity to continue the Warre then from that regard he had to his Peoples wellfare.

Soon after Rizanders defeat, the Kings affaires grew every day more desperate then other in the Province of Mona; Messina yeelding upon composition, and after that all the other Cities in that province. In the meane time it was generally believ’d that Diocles had some designes upon Mazara, as being the place of the Kings residence; upon which it was thought fit, the Queen (being then with Child) should remove to Erix a place of more saftie, from whence she might (if occation were) be transported into Naples; where in the Court of the King her Brother she might remaine till such time as she might return to Sicilia with safty. This when the King had once resolv’d, he comunicates it to his Councell, with those reasons which induced him to desire the Queens absence; which were so pressing, as they had nothing to reply against his determination: whereupon, after a little silence, with a Countenance wherein all the Tokens of a most sensible Concerne was to be seen.

I think (said he) there is none of you but will acknowledge I have just cause to lament the departure of my Dearest Consort; yet does not her absence grieve me somuch, as that necessity that forces her from me: it does afflict me I confess{164} more then I am able to express, to think that she should by my owne subjects be constrain’d to abandon me.

Unfortunate Clearchus (continu’d he to himself after a little pause) must that Relation thou hast to so Divine, and Excellent a Princess be the cause of her danger and affliction whose merits are such as doubtless would have been sufficient to protect her even amongst the wildest Barbarians who have not wickedness enough to atte^m^pt to injure Vertue in that degree as some men do here, who make larg pretences both to civility and piety too; though I think there are few amongst them so maliciously wicked as to hate her for her self whom they can accuse of no crime, but that she is my Queen:

Justice sure then: no less then affection (pursu’d he directing his speech to those about him) obliges me not onely to study, but likewise to provide for her security since she is onely in danger for my sake: Yes, I can be content to suffer shipwrack so she may be but in safe Harbour; for this satisfaction I shall enjoy by her security, whatever happens, I can perish but half if she be preserv’d; for I am sure to live still in her memory, and may yet [fol. 66 r ] survive the malice of my Foes though it should be so extreame as nothing but my blood could saciate.

These sad words were deliver’d with so much passion, as they brought teares into the eyes of all that heard them; and excited such resentments in their minds as they were unable to express, a resembling griefe sealing up the passage of their speech leaving them not the power of any other reply then that of sighs. The Queens departure being thus decreed, the King resolv’d to accompany her as far as Felinus, which Towne stood about a days journey from Mazara; and there it was that they took so sad a farewell, as if their hearts had by some secret instinct told them it must be the last adue they must ever take of each other; after which he return’d to Mazara, leaving the Queen a sufficent convoy to conduct her to Erix, where she was receiv’d with as much state as that City was capable of. About two moneths after her arrivall there, she brought into the World a Daughter, whom she caus’d to be call’d Herenia after her owne name.[25] This wellcome tydings being carried to the King, brought him as much Joy as the Queens absence, and the condition of his affaires would permit him to resent [feel]. Assoon as she was well recover’d again, she committed the young Princess to a Lady of great trust about her (nam’d Macaria) and having receiv’d some instructions from the King, she took Ship and return’d to Naples with a resolution there to continue till such time as she might with safty come back to Sicilie.{165}[26]

I should be but to tedious, and too much presume upon your Majesties patience, (said Arthenia), should I recount all the perticuler events of this Warre, which sometimes prov’d favourable to the one side, sometimes to the other; and for a long time so dubious that none could determine whom Fortune had a design to favour; but after many various traverses she seem’d to incline to Clearchus, by conferring on him a most Signall Victory, which was compleated by the death of Diocles, Generall of the Senats Armie.[27] After which success the King dispatch’t a Message to the Senat, in which he laid open to them the sad estate the Kingdome was reduced too, reminding them of those many Messages they had before receiv’d from him upon the same score, desiring them ere Sicilia was quite destroy’d to bethinke themselves of some expedient whereby the effusion of blood might yet be stanch’d; assuring them he took so little satisfaction in his victories that he could not look on them but with sorrow, since t’was ore his owne subjects he obtain’d them. Hereupon they drew up some Propositions which they sent him by some appointed to treat with him; but such strang ones were they, that had he consented to them, he must absolutely have declin’d that power wherewith Heaven had invested him, leaving himself nothing but the bare title of a King

I confess I am not so well acquainted with those Proposalls, (continued Arthenia), as to give your Majesty the very words they were express’d in, but this, as I have heard was the sum of them: That the King should disband his Forces, returne to the Senat, and remit the government of the Kingdome into their hands, and give an implicit consent to whatever they should further propound:

When he had heard these imperious demands. Tell those that sent you (said he) such a blind obedience was never yet requir’d of any man, much less of a King, by his owne subjects. They would have me trust to their moderation, and abandon my owne discretion, to the end I might justifie those representations [fol. 66 v  is blank and followed by Fol. 67 r ] they have made of me to the World, as if I were fitter to be their scholer then their King. But though I am not so confident of my owne abilities as not willingly to admit of the Councells of others; so neither am I so doubtfull of my selfe as brutishly to submit to any mans Dictates: for that were to betray the soveraignity of Reason in my Soule, and the majesty of my Crowne and Dignity, which gives me power to deny what my Reason tells me I ought not to grant: they may remember, they set in Senat as my subjects, not superiors; call’d thither to be my Councellours, not Dictators. No (pursu’d he) you may tell them further that as I will not, to gratifie my owne humour, deny any thing that my reason allows me to grant, so, on the other side, I will never yeeld to more then Reason, Justice, and Honour obliges me too in refference to{166} my Peoples good: I’le study to satisfy the Senat in what I may, but I will never for feare, or flattery gratifie any Faction how potent soever.

This Treaty proving unsuccessfull,[28] as it was not likely but it would, since the Rebells made such Overtures as the King could neither with saftie nor honour consent unto; nor without an irreparable prejudice, both to himself and his Posterity; nor would they agree to anything propounded by him; So that both Parties resolv’d to proceed in the Warre, since there could be no hopes of any accomodation but by being the one a Conquerour, and the other Conquered. Upon the death of Diocles, Faragenes had his power confer’d on him; but being a person fitter to charge an enemie, then command an Armie, having more of courage then conduct; the Senat joyn’d in Commission with him Ormisdas, a man so dextriously subtill in carrying on of a designe, as none could equall him.[29] About the same time did the King confirme the honour of Generallissimo to the Prince Rizander, by renewing his Commission. By these two it was then that the Fate of Sicilie came to be desided.

Faragenes hearing that the King had left Mazara (onely leaving in it a strong Garrison for its defence) again betook him to the Field, directing his march towards him, intending to fight him; sommoning together all the strength that he could possibly make, to the intent, this one Battell more might end the controversie: the same design had Clearchus, which induced him not to decline the Fight. On a spacious Plaine not far distant from Catana it was that these two Armies met; and having raing’d their men in order, they began the fatall dispute with so much vigour, and resolution, as it might easily be seen, no less then a Kingdome was the Prize for which they fought; Clearchus to preserve his undoubted right, his enemies to deprive him of it. [30] But as none ever fought upon a juster score, so none ever fought with greater magnanimity and courage then this poor unhappy Prince; and had his Fortune been but equall to his Valour, treason, and rebellion had (questionless) then receiv’d their due reward.

Tis very true, Fortune in the begining of the Battell seem’d to be propitious to the King, for the greatest part of the day he had the better; for Rizander having broke their Ranks, shatter’d their Troops, and routed the left wing of their{167} Armie (which was commanded by Ormisdas) might possibly have perfected the victory had he not too eagerly pursu’d the vanquish’d Partie, by which he gave Faragenes the opportunity to gain as great advantages on that part he encounter’d, as Rizander had goten on the other: which being perceiv’d by Ormisdas [fol. 67 v ] he suddenly faced about, rallying again his dispierced Troopes, exhorting them by his words, and encouraging them by his example to turn again on their pursuers; and finding his men resolv’d not to desert him, he turn’d back, charging again with so much fury, and was so well seconded by Faragenes, as the fortune of the day was in an instant chang’d, the Rebells intierly carrying away the Victory, although the illustrious Clearchus performed such progidies of valour that day in his owne person, as to recite them I must detract from the glory of them.

But alass (pursu’d Arthenia) there is no force sufficent against Fate, nor was he able with all his strength and courage to ward off this blow of Fortune, which fell with such a violence on him, as left him no way to escape but by flight; which he rather chose then to become the Trophie of his enemies tryumph, or give theire unequal’d malice the satisfaction of mispending his Illustrious blood invain, to saciate their cruelties which thirsted for nothing more. The Prince Claromenes was not in this Battell, having been sent by the King his Father into the Æolian Islands (which belong to Sicilie, though separated from it by some part of the sea) to the intent he there might raise such Force as might be not onely sufficent for their owne defence, but likewise give some addition to his Majesties Armie:[31] but before such time as he could render himselfe master of any considerable strength, report brought him the tydings of the unhappy success of the Battell of Catana; which prov’d a Remora [hindrance] to his designes, inducing him to returne to Sicilie with those Troops he had, that he might hasten to the Kings assistance: but no sooner was he come back but he was met with a letter from the King his Father; wherein he let him understand the almost desperate condition his affaires were in, commanding him to provide for his owne security with all possible speed, since he fear’d ere long Sicilie would be unable to protect him.

Having receiv’d this Command, and instantly after certaine intelligence that Faragenes was advancing towards him with his victorious Troops, he resolv’d upon an unwilling obedience, since Nature would not suffer him without an extreame regreet to abandon his Royall Father in his distress: but the consideration of how little availe his presence, or personall assistance would be to him, made him conclude with reason, that it would adde to his misery to have him a sharer in it, though t’was impossible for him not to be so by a reall sympathy, in what place soere he was. But it was not so much his owne preservation, as the{168} hopes he conceiv’d of obtaining some powerfull supplies from the Neopolitan King that invited him to retire thither, which he did, after he had recommended those Forces under his command to the care and conduct of the brave Hortensius, a man every way meriting that trust impos’d on him;[32] after which he pass’d into Naples to the Queen his Mother, whom he found in that Citty from whence the Kingdome derives its name; where he was receiv’d with such an entertainment as might be expected by so illustrious a Prince.

This last success of the Rebells so encourag’d them in their crime, that they ceas’d not dayly to agravate it by the highest outrages, and Acts of violence imaginable, against all such as had been any way assistant to Clearchus, or any way adhear’d to him: nay, if they did but suspect any person of Loyalty, it was enough to expose him to all the evill that a powerful enemy was capable of inflicting. It was [fol. 68r] neither the Dignity, nor the sanctity of any one that could shield him from the violence of those impious men; for if it could, they durst not have presum’d to lay violent hands on the chiefest of the ArchFlamins in that manner as they did; murthering him after a long imprisonment: not secretly, but publickly, in the open view of all that would be spectators of so barbarous an Act. The crime wherewith they charg’d him was no other, then Love, and Fidelity to his Prince which he express’t by importuning Heaven by Prayers, and Sacrifices for a blessing on him, and a happie success in all his enterprizes; and for refusing to lay aside the title of ArchFlamine, together with that grandure which had ever attended his high Function, and descend to the qualitie of the inferior Flamines.[33] All the other Flamins were likewise suspended from their Offices, and others, of their owne consecration set up in their steads, who would admit of no superiority, but would all be equalls; intraducing a new kind of worship also, which till then Sicilie had been unacquainted with; nor was it approv`d by any, but the Lovers of Novelties, and those that establish’d it. The Tenets that they taught, were likewise of as late an Edition: for some of them affirm’d, that the Divinity being not confin’d to any place, might as well be serv’d, and ador’d with as acceptable a Devotion in any other place as in a Temple. This soon bred such a disesteeme of holy Places, as they were not onely scarce frequented, but even the very Altars were prophan’d, the Temples violated and defaced; many acounting themselves in nothing more religious then in villifying sacred things: even those very Temples which were formerly Sanctuaries for Offenders, could not now be secure themselves from the violence of prophane persons.

Behold then Madam (continu’d Arthenia) the piety which these men pretended too, and the liberty of the subject (they affirm’d) they sought to maintain{168} though the event prov’d they intended nothing less; since all, but those that had cast off all obedience to their Soveraign were by them reduced to so perfect a condition of slavery, as none could be more absolute Vassalls: for with such an unlimmited Tyranie did they insult ore their fellow subjects, that none could call ought that he possest his owne: for if any one was accus’d but of wishing well to his King, or speak of him with reverence, or respect, it was a Crime sufficent to cause him to be despoil’d of whatsoever he enjoy’d; and if he enquir’d what his Offence might be, t’was answer’d, he was ill affected to the Senat. Multitudes were imprison’d, and compell’d to purchace their liberties at such excessive ransomes, as prov’d the ruines of their families. Many others who might have boasted larg Possessions (either left them by their provident Predessessors, or gain’d by their owne laborious industry) suddenly torne from them, their houses rifled, and their whole estates confiscate to the Senats use: insomuch, as divers who were wealthy to a superfluity, in the space of one poore day have been reduced to such necessity, as that they have not known where to seeke their next nights Lodging. Soon did these calamities spread themselves thorowout Sicilie, nor was there saftie for any but professed Traitors: rebells, indeed might live secure, but Faithful subjects must in this manner be persecuted.

In these Calamities my Parents bare as larg a share as any whosoever; my Father being one of the first in the Province of Mazara (for there we liv’d) who felt the effects of them; being b^e^reav’d of all that he possess’d whereby we were for a while reduced [fol. 68 v ] to extreame necessitys.[34] Tis true I confess he might have freed himselfe from this misfortune, as many others did, could his Conscience have dispenced with the meanes conducing thereunto by renouncing his allegiance to his Prince, binding himselfe by a solemne Ingagement set forth by the Senat, to become not onely an Enemy to the King, but to all royall authority; but so firmely was Loyalty seated in his Soule, that t’was not the Frownes of Fortune that could drive it thence, or once so much as make him unresolv’d what he should do, or suffer; nor was he capable of a thought which was able to contest with that duty he ought [owed] him whom Heaven had made his Liege Lord and Soveraign; accounting it rather a glory then a misfortune to suffer for, and with his King: and since he suffer’d on so just a score, he did not doubt but Heaven would provide for him and his, although depriv’d of all things the cruelty of unjust men could rob him of. In his affliction he quickly had many Companions; for to such a condition was Clearchus now reduced, as he was not able to defend himself, much less protect his Friends.

Thus it was Madam (said Arthenia) that Fortune first began her persecutions of me (in which she has held so long a course, as I cannot but admire she should be stil’d inconstant) makeing me even an Exile in my very Infancie; for{170} indeed, so very young I was when these things hapned as I was scarce sensible of what I suffer’d in my Parents misfortunes; nor of those wants, and necessities I had questionless been expos’d too, had not Heavens bounty, and goodness transcended Fortunes malice; for though we were not banish’d Sicilie by our enemies, yet by Necessity we were, that part of it which was become most naturall to us by the long aboad my Father had made there; and sent to seek a habitation amongst strangers, and a subsistance in that place which might best afford it us. To Palermo then we went, as being suppos’d both by my Father and Mother the most convenient for their residence in many respects: there liv’d they severall yeares in as much quiet as the distractions of their Country would admit; and though they wanted that splendor and gallantry they formerly liv’d in, yet in requitall in their meane estate they enjoy’d content, and Minds suted to their Fortunes; without which the most prosperous condition is but miserable: never were they heard to complain of their owne miseries; all that they did, was onely to deplore their Kings.

As for my owne perticuler, Fortune in part repair’d the injury she had done me by conferring on me the Princess Merinza’s acquaintance, who was Daughter to Gracianus, Duke of Felinus: with this young Princess I receiv’d my education, being brought up with her. From the first day of our acquaintance she took such an affection to me, as she never would willingly suffer me to be absent from her; testifying by all the demonstrations her childish yeares were capable of that I was deare to her: and as her yeares increas’d, so did her kindness so that I enjoy’d as much felicity in her sweet society as I could then have desir’d had my wishes been granted. I was about two yeares elder then she, but as I outstrip’t her in age, she a thousand times exceeded me in all things else; becoming in her early dayes excellently qualifi’d with all vertuous endowments, being of a nature so apt to the impression of all great and generous qualities, as none could be more ready to infuse them into [fol.69 r ] her, then she was to learn: nor had Nature been less prodigall of her bounties in rendring her lovely, then Vertue had been in adorning her with the beauties of the mind. Time, and a constant converse discover’d to me clearly her admirable perfections; which when once I was sensible of, I thought I could not do better then propose her as a Pattern to frame my Conversation by; which with such a diligence I strove to imitate, as that if I have any worthy quality in me I must acknowled[g]e I derive it from her example.

The onely happie time that ere I knew, was that I spent in her company; which was so sweetly charming as those delights I found in it, kept me much longer insensable of my owne misfortune, and my Countries most deplorable condition then otherwise I should have been: but at length, with an increase of yeares having gain’d more understanding, I could not but with sadness consider both; which would many times appeare legible in my face by an unusuall penciveness: which being observ’d by Merinza, her Friendship mov’d her to inquire the cause which when she knew, she made it her design to expell from my thoughts all sad reflections by the most pleasing diversions she could invent; and with the kindest{171} expressions would she still seek to make me as forgetfull of my unhappiness, as I had been before unsensable of it. I confess the reasons she gave me why I ought to be contented with my condition were so convinceing, and the councell she gave me to beare my mishaps with moderation so authentick, as I had nothing to reply against either; nor was it long ere she reduced my mind to its former tranquility by those discreet advices she always suppli’d me with. I must needs say, I could not much regreet Fortunes unkindness, when I remembred what a felicity I gain’d by it, in obtaining the Friendship of so excellent a person as Merinza was, whom t’was probable I had never known had I not left the Province of Mazara: but alass the content I enjoy’d in her agreeable conversation was too great still to continue; yet for almost the space of seven yeares were we happie in each others company: after which time we were separated, I feare forever, for we have never seen each other since, nor never shall I believe now, the cruelty of my Destiny transporting me hither, and hers confining her to a certaine place in Sicilia, where she lives in a manner depriv’d of her freedome, by the injurious treatment of an unkind Husband.

But ere I tell your Majesty how we came to be separated, I must beg leave to returne to Clearchus; who having escap’d by flight, gather’d together the poor remainders of his shatter’d Armie, but was never able to encounter the enemy again; for such was his ill Fate, that in a short time after he lost so many Citties, and Townes that his whole strength was in a manner reduced to Mazara, and some few Garissons besides. All the Kings hopes now depended upon a recrute [recruitment of soldiers] which he had sent Istander (a man of approv’d Fidelity) to raise: but as he was on his march towards Mazara, he was suddenly surpris’d in his way thither, by a greater number of the Rebells, who totally defeated, and took him Prisoner.[35] This last disaster utter[l]y depriv’d the King of all hopes, of keeping Mazara till such time as he could better his condition, and induced him to leave it, since there could be no security for him to stay longer there. This when he had once determin’d, and that he was resolv’d whether to go, he sent one evening for Theodates the Governour of the City,[36] and some of [fol. 69 v ] the principall Officers (in whom he knew he might confide) to his Chamber: this Command was no sooner receiv’d then t’was obey’d; for immediatly after they came, and with a reverent submission address’d themselves to him to know his pleasure; which (after all his Attendants had by his command quited the Roome, those onely excepted that he design’d to take with him) he signifi’d to them in few words.{172}

My Generous Friends (said he, directing his speech to Theodates and the rest) I must acknowledge I have receiv’d such unquestionable testimonies of your loyalties, as I cannot but further intrust you with a thing wherein not onely my liberty, but perhaps my life may be concern’d. I know I need not enjoyn any of you to be secret, since in leting you understand of what high concernment my design is, I shew you how necessary tis you should be so.

Know then (continu’d he) that I intend to leave Mazara, since in it I cannot stay with saftie in this condition whereto things are now brought. I confess it troubles me to be constrain’d thus to abandon you, but I trust it will be for no long time; nor would I do it at all, could my stay be any way advantagious to you; I know your Courages are great enough not to need my presence to augment them; nor can it be of such availe as possibly my absence may: for I hope the way I mean to take will quickly put me into a capacity to give every one of you that recompence the fidelity wherewith ye have serv’d me merits. But if it be otherwise decreed, and that my ruine be unavoidable, so as I am bereaved of all things but a Will to requite you; yet even then you shall not faile of a reward, if not here, assuredly hereafter you shall receive it, and that, a much more glorious one then I could give, were I sole Monarch of the World: then after a little silence he went on.

Though Heaven has given me three Kingdoms, yet in them all, I have now scarce any place left me where I may reside with saftie; but all humane affaires are changable: and such may be my fate, as my greatest danger may arise from whence I expect the most security; and my saftie from that which seemes most perillous. I must leave you then who have so faithfully adhear’d to me, and retire to the Corsicans who have hitherto oppos’d me.

Heavens forbid (cry’d they all at once) that ere your Majesty should put your Royall Person into the hands of those who have express’d no less disaffection, and malice to you upon all opportunities then these Rebells here in Sicilie.

Tis very true (repli’d the King) I know there is much of hazard in this Designe; but evills when they are once growne desperate, will not admit of any but extraordinary cures. The way then that I take, being of that nature, may possibly produce so happy an effect, as to dry up these Rivers of blood which have so long o’reflow’d this miserable Kingdome; for what Providence denies to Force, it may perhaps grant to Prudence. Necessity obliging me to study my owne preservation, I know no better way to it, then by adventuring on their Fidelities, who first began my troubles; for as they were soe, so haply Heaven may make them as instrumentall towards the bringing them to a happie period; since what they endeavour’d to gain by Force, shall now be given them in such a way, as shall even make them blush not to be really what they ought, and have oft proffess’d to be: and perhaps this unusuall confidence I repose in them, by giving up my self intirely into their hands without any the least conditions, and craving their protection as I intend; may be so powerfull as to vanquish all those ill designes they [fol. 70 r ] may have against me; and more powerfully engage their affections then{173} by any other obligation I can imagine to conferre on them: this I know it cannot but do, if they have but the least spark of Generosity, or any gratfull resentments [feelings] in their soules. Many a time have they protested they fought for, not against me, therefore I am now resolv’d to give them an opportunity to evince to the World, that they meane not what they do, but what they say; which I must needs say is so hard to be understood, as it may well be term’d the Riddle of their Fidelities which I must now unfould.

But in the course which I intend, I am no less solicitious for my Friends safty then my owne; for I will rather venture to expose my person to further hazards, then your generous Loyalties to those extreamities you must enevitably suffer should I continue longer here; since I can now expect no more recrutes, unless Heaven by a Miracle send me a reliefe; which I have not vanity enough to expect. You know all Sicilie is in a manner brought under subjection by the Rebells, so that I have no place where I can promise my selfe the least security, but here in Mazara; and how short a time this will be a place of saftie for me I believe none of you are ignorant, since Faragenes comes on apace with his victorious Ensignes to besiege us; who being once arriv’d t’will then be impossible for me to get hence; where if I stay, I must necessarily be constrain’d to dig my owne Monument under the ruines of this City which has been so cordially faithfull to me, or yeeld to such conditions as the Conquerours shall impose: which by what they have heretofore propounded (when they were in almost as declining, as they are now in a prosperous state) we may easily guess will be such, as it will be much more glorious to yeeld to Death then them: but if I go away, I do not dispaire to find that succour for my selfe, and reliefe for you which I cannot hope for here. But hap^pen^ what may, this is my finall Resolve, to dy a King, not live a slave to Rebells; and if I do fall, this satisfaction I shall have however, to dye a Martyre for my Peoples liberty, which is more deare to me then either Crown or life.

The King in this manner having acquainted Theodates and the rest with his Design, which he shew’d them so many reasons for, and those such convinceing ones, as they found none to diswade him from what he intended: but though they were convinced his departure was not onely convenient, but also necessary, yet could they not but resent [feel] it with griefe, great as that loyall affection they bare him. Having embraced them severally, he bad them farwell, whilst they took their leaves of him with eyes o’reflow’d with teares; uttering from their hearts many fervent Prayers that Heaven would vouchsafe to date a happie change in his condition, and bring his enterprises to good effect. They being gone (for he would not permit any one of them to wait on him so farre as to the Citty Gate, lest it might raise a suspition of his departure) he put on his disguise which one of those servants who were to attend him had provided; and about the midst of the night quited Mazara, but with it he could not abandon his miseries; those (poor unhappie Prince) still pursu’d him till they brought him to his Grave.[37]

Within a short time after he safely arriv’d in Corsica; where he was wellcom’d with all the seeming Demonstrations of Joy, that could possibly be express’d; the great Councell promising in the name of all their Fellow subjects that they would to their utmost defend him, and as many of the Royall Partie as would repaire to him; and that they would serve him faithfully both with their lives and Fortunes. But with how little sincerity these [fol. 70 v ] promises were made will evidently appeare by their succeeding actions: for scarce had he conceiv’d some small hope of bringing things to a happie period; when he was urged by the Corsican Senat to command the Prince of Orestagne (who commanded for his Majesty in Sardinia) and all the Governours of his Garrisons in Sicilie to deliver all those Citties and Castles which as yet remain’d untaken, to those who by the Senat should be appointed to receive them.[38] This Demand was made so peremtorily as plainly shew’d they would have no deniall; for withall, they told him, that unless he consented to what they had propounded, they neither could, nor would continue him longer under their protection. But that which they more perticulerly press’d him too was, that the brave Mardonius Prince of Nebio should lay downe his Commission.[39]

Indeed (pursu’d Arthenia) they had reason (considering what they intended) more earnestly to desire the suppression of this Hero then any of the rest; for had he still continu’d his power, it had been questionless much more difficult, if not impossible for them to accomplish that base unhear’d of treachery, which has since rendred them so justly hatefull to all other Nations: for so many valourous exploits did he performe with an inconsiderable Force, as the Fame he acquir’d thereby, will eternize his Fame to all succeeding Ages. Certain it is, his actions were so transcendently gallant, as compell’d even his very enemies to look on them with admiration: for besides severall victories of less consequence; he twice beat Argelus[40] (the most potent and notorious Rebell of that Kingdome) out of the Field, pursuing him into his owne Teritories; vanquishing afterwards Bilindus another Archenemie of the Kings in a set Battell, which was fought between them: after which he made himselfe Master of the strong City Bastia (the Metropolis of that Island) giving liberty to many of his Friends who had been there confin’d emmediately upon his taking Armes: and had but some{175} supplies come as he expected, he had undoubtedly perfected the conquest of all the Rebells in that Kingdome.[41]

But instead of that aid he look’d for, he was unexpectedly set upon, and his Armie dispers’d by Diophanes who was sent out of Sicilie to put a stop to his good Fortune: but not withstanding, he had got together again his Troopes, and was in a faire way of pursuing his former Designe when he receiv’d a Command from Clearchus to relinquish his Commission;[42] for to that exigent was the King reduced, as to deny what they demanded would have been but invain, since he was now absolutely in their power, having no liberty to get thence had he attempted it: for under a pretence of guarding him, they set a Guard upon him; not to defend, but keep him there: so that being constrain’d by an unavoidable necessity he at length condescended to give those Commands they had requir’d. But they found not that obedience to them as they expected; for not onely the Prince of Orestagne, but divers of the Governours in Sicilie, knowing full well the King was constrain’d to give such Orders, stood still upon their guard, in hopes that in time their endeavours might prove advantagious to his service. But no sooner did Mardonius receive his Command, but he obey’d it: but having done so; he bid farewell to Corsica, and put himself into a voluntary exile; but ere he went thence he was heard to say (to some of his familiar Friends)

I have serv’d my Prince with all Fidelity, and would yet [fol. 71 r ] continue to do so though I were sure to shed each drop of blood remaining in me for his service; but since I am depriv’d of all meanes to act ought [aught; anything] to his advantage, I cannot stay here and tamely look upon his ruine without being able to prevent it.[43]

If I mistake not (said the Queen to Arthenia) you told me that Sardinia as well as Corsica was united to the Crowne of Sicilie; why then did not Clearchus chuse rather to retire thither then into Corsica, which (by what you have said) appeares to be the place from whence his troubles had their originall.

It is very certaine Madam (she repli’d) it was so: but no one could have thought, so high an Act of trust as his so freely puting himself into their power but would have produced in them a resembling Fidelity; and perhaps he thought it safer to relie on the affections of his native subjects (as he would often terme them){176} then on that, of those who knew no more of him than the power he extended over them. And besides, there was but little hopes of any security for him in Sardinia; that Kingdome having been anexed to Sicilia by conquest, but never intirely subject to that Crown till Ericinas reign, who compleated that which her Predecessors had attempted, but never perfected: after which they remain’d in a quiet subjection till these fatall differences hapned in Sicilie; which encourag’d them to rebell, by throwing off again that Yoke which they had not without reluctancie submited too. And thinking no time so fit as now (that they saw the King wholy taken up with composing those civill discords which had fallen out in Sicilie) to practice what they had long before projected, took this opportunity; unanimously rising in rebellion against him; murthering, and destroying in a most barbarous, and brutish manner all those Sicilians that they could lay hands on, who had come thither to inhabit: puting sundry of them to death by such horible and cruell tortures as till then had ne’re been heard of, nor invented; though by many yeares continuance there, they were by the alliances they had contracted with them become as it were one People. In this condition was Sardinia when our King left Sicilie. Judge then Madam (continu’d she) if he had any reason to have recourse for protection to those who were naturally of so merciless and bloody dispositions, as they took delight in nothing more then in the highest Acts of cruelty.

Since it was so (repli’d Ermilia) I confess Clearchus could admit small hopes of saftie there, but did very prudently preferre Corsica before Sardinia in his choice of a retreat. After this the Queen was silent, and Arthenia went on.

  1. During the battle between the Giants and the Olympian gods, Enceladus, the principal adversary of Athena, goddess of wisdom, was buried under the island of Sicily when she threw it at him. He was believed to be the main cause of volcanic eruptions and earthquakes in Sicily. 
  2. Ceres (Greek name, Demeter) is an agricultural goddess associated with the harvest. Her daughter Proserpine (Greek, Persephone), was carried off by Pluto, god of the underworld (Hades). The rape of Proserpine is related in Ovid’s Metamorphoses, Book 5. It was decided that Proserpine could return to earth if she had eaten nothing in Hades. She had eaten six pomegranate seeds, and so it was decreed that she could spend six months on earth with her mother but had to return to Hades for six months. This myth was used to explain the change of seasons. 
  3. The battle of Agrigentum in Sicily in 262 BC was the site of the first battle between Carthage and the Roman Empire and the site of the first pitched battle of the First Punic Wars. The tyrant Phalaris, who was associated with Agrigentum, had a brazen bull fashioned by the artist Perrillus in which to torture and roast his enemies and may even have experimented with Perrillus (Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca Historica, 9.19.1).{155} 
  4. Elizabeth Tudor (Ericina) ruled over England (Sicily) and Ireland (Sardinia) from 17 November 1558 until her death on 25 March 1603. 
  5. Upon the death of Elizabeth, James VI of Scotland (Ismenas, King of Corsica) succeeded to the English throne on 25 March 1603 and ruled until his death on 27 March 1625. 
  6. Charles I (Clearchus) succeeded James I on 27 March 1625 and reigned until his execution on 25 January 1649. 
  7. Charles I called parliaments in 1625 and subsequently in 1626 and 1628, and, in 1629, after dismissing Parliament, he embarked on eleven years of personal rule. 
  8. Under English law, Parliament levies taxes to generate a subsidy supporting the monarch and his government. Charles I used forced loans and Ship money (a medieval tax traditionally levied only on coastal communities, to generate funds). While unpopular, the imposition of Ship’s money was declared legal by the King’s Bench in 1637 and not declared illegal until 1641 by the Long Parliament. 
  9. Charles convened two parliaments in 1640 (the Short Parliament and the Long Parliament) to levy funds for the Bishops Wars against Scotland. Conflicts in the Parliament led to the outbreak of the first English Civil War. 
  10. In January 1642, Charles accused five members of the House of Commons (John Pym, John Hampden, Denzil Holles, William Strode, Sir Arthur Haselrig) and a peer in the House of Lords (Edward Montagu, Lord Manchester) of treason, alleging that they encouraged the Scots to invade England. 
  11. Charles I (Clearchus) was succeeded by his son Charles II (Claromenes). 
  12. By March 1642, Charles had left London (Palermo) for York (Messina). 
  13. From York, Charles went to Hull (Milase); Sir John Hotham (Ithagenes) under orders from Parliament refused him entry. 
  14. On 22 August 1642, the royal standard was raised at Nottingham (Nicosia) in what is commonly identified as the beginning of the English Civil War. 
  15. On 1 June 1642, both Houses of Parliament issued Nineteen Propositions, requiring that all privy councilors be approved by Parliament and declaring that Parliament was to control the forts, ports, militia, and even the education of the royal children. In response Charles issued Commissions of Array directing Lord Lieutenants of each shire to levy troops for the Royalist cause. 
  16. The Parliament appointed Robert Devereux, 3rd Earl of Essex (Diocles), General of the Parliamentary army in July 1642. 
  17. The first major battle of the English civil war, the Battle of Edgehill, was fought on 23 October 1642 at Edgehill, Warwickshire. Since both armies numbered about 14,000, the claim that 50,000 lives were lost is exaggerated. 
  18. Charles’s General Robert Bertie, 1st Earl of Lindsay (Lysander) died in this battle. Charles planned to march on London (Palermo) but Essex blocked his advance and he retired to Oxford (Mazara). 
  19. Prince Rupert of the Rhine (Rizander), nephew to Charles by his sister Elizabeth of Bohemia, was made the General of Royalist forces and later created Duke of Cumberland. 
  20. Sir John Hotham (Ithagenes) and his son, who together had opposed Charles’s entry into Hull, were executed by Parliament for conspiracy. 
  21. Approving of the militant stance of these women, but not their political allegiance, Bridget Manningham significantly calls attention to the female brigades. 
  22. Essex relieved the Royalist siege of Gloucester. 
  23. Soon after relieving Gloucester, Essex’s army encountered Rupert’s cavalry at the important first Battle of Newbury on 20 September 1643. 
  24. The House of Commons appointed Ferdinando Fairfax, 2nd Lord Fairfax of Cameron (Faragenes), General of the Parliamentary forces on 21 January 1645 and Oliver Cromwell (Ormisdas) as Lieutenant-General. Bridget Manningham seems to conflate the father with his son, Sir Thomas Fairfax, later 3rd Lord Fairfax of Cameron. 
  25. The queen left Oxford in April 1644, and they accompanied her as far as Abingdon (Felinus). Henrietta (Herenia) went to Exeter (Erix) where the Princess Henrietta Anne was born on June 16. The daughter of Henrietta Marie and Charles I was named after her mother but called Minette at the French court. 
  26. Anne (Villiers) Douglas, later Countess of Morton, and known at that time as Lady Dalkieth, (Macaria) was godmother and later governess to the princess. The queen bequeathed the care of her infant to this Royalist heroine when she departed for France. 
  27. This “most Signall Victory” refers to the Royalist defeat of Essex’s troops at the Battle of Lostwithiel on 21 August-2 September 1644. Essex did not die until September 1646. 
  28. The Treaty of Uxbridge was an attempt to negotiate peace during the first Civil War. Parliament issued twenty-seven articles generally insisting on control of the military and on the imposition of Presbyterianism throughout England. Charles I’s requests were more reasonable, but negotiations failed. 
  29. See note 24 above. After Essex’s death, Parliament appointed Sir Thomas Fairfax, 3rd Lord Fairfax of Cameron (Faragenes) as General and Cromwell (Ormisdas) as Lieutenant General. Charles I renewed Prince Rupert’s commission, making him General of the Royalist forces. 
  30. The battle of Naseby (Catana) was fought on 14 June 1645 and brought to a conclusion the first English Civil War. Arthenia’s description is accurate except that Henry Ireton commanded the fleeing troops, not Cromwell (Ormisdas). 
  31. In March 1645, King Charles sent Prince Charles (Claromenes) to the west of England where he was the nominal leader of the Royalist forces. The Aeolian Islands may refer to the Scilly Isles to which Prince Charles sailed in March 1646 on his way to France. 
  32. In January 1646, Prince Charles gave command of his remaining forces to Ralph Hopton, 1st Baron Hopton (Hortensius). 
  33. Flamin, a term for priest, is used for bishop and Arch Flamin for archbishop. William Laud (7 October 1573–10 January 1645), was created Archbishop of Canterbury in 1633 and beheaded on Tower Hill on 10 January 1645. 
  34. This description may be personal because Bridget’s father, Richard Manningham, was sequestered during the Civil War, and the Manningham family was forced to sell Bradbourne House in Kent during the Interregnum. 
  35. Jacob Astley, 1st Baron Astley of Reading (Istander), traveling with 3000 men, the remainder of the Royalist Army, to join Charles I at Oxford, was intercepted and defeated on 21 March 1646. 
  36. In October 1645, Sir Thomas Glenham (Theodates) was appointed Governor of Oxford, Charles’s wartime capital. 
  37. {174} On 27 April 1646, Charles I, disguised as a servant, left Oxford (Mazara). 
  38. The Scottish (Corsican) Senate demanded that Charles I order James Butler (Prince of Orestagne), later 1st Duke of Ormonde, his Lord Lieutenant in Ireland (Sardinia) to disband his army. 
  39. Under pressure from the Scots, Charles I also ordered James Graham, 1st Marquess of Montrose (Mardonius, Prince of Nebio) and King’s Lieutenant-General in Scotland, to resign his commission and disband his troops. 
  40. Archibald Campbell, Marquess of Argyll (Argelus), a Scottish peer, opposed the Royalists. 
  41. Montrose (Mardonius, Prince of Nebio) defeated the Marquess of Argyll (Argelus) twice, forcing him to flee Inveraray in December 1644 and then slaughtering his army in Interlochy on 2 February 1645. William Baillie (Bilindus) was in command of the Scottish troops who lost to Montrose in a disastrous battle at Kilsyth on 15 August 1645. Shortly afterwards, Montrose entered Edinburgh (Bastia) and rescued 150 Royalist prisoners. 
  42. David Leslie, 1st Lord Newark (Diophanes), defeated Montrose (Mardonius) at Philiphaugh on 13 September 1645. 
  43. After being ordered to disband his army by Charles I, Montrose (Mardonius) left Scotland for Norway and later joined the Queen’s court in Paris. 


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Rivall Friendship by Bridget Manningham Copyright © 2021 by Arizona Board of Regents for Arizona State University is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.

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